Reading Assignment: Your reply (under Comments) is due before class on Monday, February 6. Remember, you don’t need to answer all or even any of the questions, but your response should demonstrate you’ve done and thought about the readings. Be sure to check and make sure your response posts.
Maylei Blackwell, ¡Chicana Power! (133-191)
How does Blackwell define and characterize the emergence and importance of Chicana print cultures and print communities? How do they fit with Benedict Anderson’s notion of imagined communities? How does gendering post-colonialism change Chicano nationalism?
How did the writings of Hijas de Cuauhtemoc influence Chicana/o groups outside of Long Beach? What was their influence in Los Angeles, in California and the southwest?
How did Hijas de Cuauhtemoc evolve into Encuentro femenil? What significance did the newspaper and then journal have to the Chicano Movement? How did it shape Chicana feminism?
What were the issues of the Houston Chicana Conference? How did succeed and to what extent? How did it breakdown? What were the issues (and the feminisms) being contested? What were the outcomes of the breakdown?
I think that one important distinction to make about the Chicano movement was not like other national liberation movements. While other third world examples are that of trying to overthrow the colonial state, the Chicano movement focused on the misuse of power by the state and also its violence and discrimination. Another focus was that there was a lack of “channels of representation.” These channels of representation could have included a community newspaper to political pamphlets to a magazine. These different pieces of work all constituted valuable information that the community not only wanted but needed for the print culture. It helped provide insight to communities that people may have not been familiar which gave birth to new ideas and networks within the communities. It was also quite common to report on conference proceedings, debates and conflicts which drove people to address women’s struggles which were much needed at the time. Hijas de Cuauhtémoc used the papers that were being written in order to better inform people of what was being discussed throughout different communities. As this happened Hijas de Cuauhtémoc was named to be the national paper for Chicana activists.
Chicana Print had a significant impact on mobilizing and networking with other Chicana Feminists on local and national levels. The first journal of Chicano Scholarship that engendered political activism was Encuentro Femenil. It served as a platform for change because it built “new interpretive communities” which constituted a new counterpublic (134). This journal was important because it established Chicana Feminist’s political agenda not just social. The journal fostered political solidarity among all women and other equally driven organizations that emerged such as Chicana Welfare Rights Organization, the Comision Feminil Mexicana Nacional, National Chicana Political Caucus, etc. Collaborations between women from different organizations helped construct a bridge for dialogue, analysis and feedback. The staff of Encuentro Femenil “formed alliances with Los Angeles Chicana Leaders in order to document community issues and struggles and build greater political knowledge of the issues among a larger Chicana/o political community so that policies and institutions would be more responsive (from Chicana Power 151). I believe it was crucial that women critiqued laws and policies that do not aim to aid but rather restrict communities. Also it demonstrated that Chicana women were not only interesting in changing familial structures (micro level) but also making changes on the macrolevel. That is why they did not pit themselves against their Chicano men because they thought sexism was a byproduct of a larger system of oppression. The manner to cause change was to challenge patriarchal systems that create racist and sexist laws such as the Talmadge Amendment and the biased incarceration of minority groups such as Chicana women. Chicana print really helped improve community based struggles that affect not just daily life but will eventually affect future generations.
~ From the recordings: “I’m disappointed because I didn’t see any of my sister campesinas around here […] I just came from walking across the Imperial Valley … walking with Cesar Chavez where people where being shot at–and then I come here and all you are talking about is me, me, me … Poor me” (Blackwell, 176).
~ Leticia Hernandez remembers most about the Houston conference: “All the infighting, you know. I guess you into things with rose-colored glasses, and you think, ‘Wow, we’re going to do this, and we’re going to do the other thing, and we’re all going to come together and we’re going to free ourselves.’ […] We had things to say that we believed in and people walked out on us” (Blackwell, 177-179).
These are two voices of women on opposite sides of the conflict that arose at the National Chicana Conference in Houston. Part of the reason why there was such division between the participants was the fac that not everyone was on the same page; some saw this as a division between Chicana women as feminists and the fight for equality for Chicanos movement. Those who oppose the conference saw this as two separate things, one more focused on the Chicana proclaiming herself as equal as the Chicano. To others this was seen as a selfish act on behalf of the feminist Chicanas because there were other issues they felt they should address and focus on. UCLA MEChA members had begun to organize their approach to the conference before they attended the conference and wanted to make a clear statement that the conference was a way of dividing the Chicano movement. One big issue was the fact that this conference was organized by the Magnolia Branch of the YWCA and many participants criticized the conference as being influenced by the “white” feminist movement, and Chicanas trying to be “white” and “American.”
Much energy and dedication was put to organize the conference and getting organizations to sponsor it. I can only imagine how stressed, frustrated and miserable the women, who were behind the scenes, felt when people were walking out. Especially because they had to deal with an overcrowded population of people who were interested in attending the conference. The places where the workshops were taken place were overcrowded. Because of the amount of people in the workshops it would take longer to finish the discussions they were having. Some were able to get a different perspective about the conference as older individuals.
Chicana conferences were a great way to network and spread ideas and inspiration for all the women organizations that were beginning to form throughout the country. There had been very little contact and communication between the Chicanas in California and that is where they first realized they needed something to interact and community with larger groups of women. La Conferencia de Mujeres por La Raza in May 1971 in Houston finally made this happen. It focused around workshops that were inspiring for women leaders in different organizations. The workshops were based on the ones held at a regional conference including Philosophy of La Chicana Nueva; Chicanas in education; La Chicana y la Comunidad; La Chicana y Comunicacion ; and Political Education of la Chicana. At this meeting with Chicanas from all over the country, they came to a consensus to pass a resolution naming Hijas de Cuahtemoc the national paper for Chicana activists through which a national Chicana organization could contribute to this.
Something that I thought was very interesting was the difference between that conference and the one in Denver that included Chicanas and Chicanos. Although there was an immense energy and it was filled with music and chants and there was women representation and a workshop specifically for women, the roles at the conference between men and women were still very split. The women held leadership roles and had ideas but were still expected to make the food and do typing and clerical work (p 140). This seems contradictory because on one hand they were trying to lead feminist ideas but on the other hand they were still assimilating the typical woman roles.
Even though the Hijas de Cuauhtémoc only published three issues in 1971, they were very influential to Chicana feminist thought. They were one of the very first publications in the “nation dedicated to the Chicana feminist vision, marketing a gender shift in the print culture of the Chicano movement” (133). I believe this newspaper was a big deal to the Chicanas because they wrote about important issues like politics and community. Since it was the first of its kind it helped formed networks and alliances across the southwest regions. Other small Chicana feminist groups in New Mexico and Texas started their own Chicana publications and thus created a “gendered print community.” Hijas de Cuauhtémoc newspaper became so popular that is was reprinted throughout the southwestern states. During the Houston Chicana Conference it named the “national paper for the Chicana activists” (145). I think it amazing how these Chicanas started off being disconnected, but because of print culture a tight transregional community was formed. During that time, print media was surely a power tool.
Very often do we hear about the power behind our words, and this was definitely evident during the Chicano Movement as the Chicanas united through print to become a voice that was heard across the nation.
Even if the Hijas de Cuauhtémoc only had 3 issues it was more about who was writing on what and how it affected them all. I think we definitely see this as we read about a person writing an article and how it would be read somewhere else. The piece never just stayed there, it traveled. Someone else would reprint it and that is where the true power lied. In being reproduced, it open up dialogue between so many more Chicanas. It was not just a topic affecting Long Beach and the Hijas noticed this, which is why they evolve their paper to reflect this. The first issue was primarily concerned with Chicanas at Cal State Long Beach but as their presence became more regional they began to collaborate with other groups. Thus “they realized that the newspaper needed to move beyond campus and become broader in the scope in order to mobilize statewide communication,”(page 144). So it sounds like they were creating in their own way what the internet does for us the only major difference is the speed the news travels nowadays. This just goes to show the importance the print had back then. It allowed for a cohesiveness and solidarity to form among women who felt the same way even if they were not living in the same city.
Within the reading the one section I remember most vividly is Sex and the Chicana: Noun and Verb. The need for sexuality and religion workshops allowed women to gain opinions on many topics including the controversial method of safe sex, birth control. I thought it was extremely wise and brave for Birdwell to go door to door asking any women what they thought about the topics. No matter white, black, or Chicana women face the same issues when it comes to sexuality. Upon reading the section I wouldn’t believe many would attend these workshops but then looking at the photos, standing seat only made me realize women in those days did not have access to many resources we use today. I was also appalled at the part where it mentioned the resolutions of the workshops and how they wanted to end the practice of sterilization and medical experimentation on Chicana women. This topic made me think of World War 2, not life within the United States.
Women want someone to talk to especially if they have no one to turn to in their household. These workshops were for women and it surprised me that they were openly talking about the subject, and this means they had trust in each other; a huge stepping stone for the Chicana movement.
The print culture allowed the spread of ideas with others from around the country. They would take with them issues of to the different conferences and meetings that they went to and pass out the issues. Sort of reminds me of the people that pass out flyers when walking around the promenade. I liked how that to become a member for some, you just signed your name and wrote an article for the group. It just seemed so open to new people to come and join and contribute to the groups.
I think that comparing how “Chicana or Chicano” one is compared to another is sort of ridiculous. Why be so competitive to the point of tearing each other apart with feuds and arguments instead of coming together. I’m glad that the conference was trying to make sure the prices were affordable and rooms to spend the night, since those that were coming were spending so much to come. The attendance was so overwhelming that there wasn’t enough room for the workshops. I think that the idea of women taking care of their families was behind the idea that they should be talking about those that were getting shot while protesting and the rest of what was happening while they were there talking about Chicanas. The idea of women taking care of the family first or putting them first before their own needs, women’s’ needs, that maybe they felt guilty talking about themselves. I think that the attendance was so overwhelming that it also caused confusion. There weren’t enough cots or beds so other told them that there were hotel rooms for like $3 but when they got there it was double the price. Even though there were walkouts about whether this was some sort of way that spies could infiltrate the movement. Even though there were walkouts I still think that it made people start to think and talk about the issues of being brought up at the conference. The conference allowed others from 23 states to met and exchange ideas, while also meet others in similar situations allowing them to bond.
La Conferencia de Mujeres por La Raza, in many ways, was revelatory about the weaknesses in the Chicana feminist movement. What stressed me most, in reading about the Conferencia, is that it turned out the way most men would think something run by women turned out. I thought about how many men would assume women to be petty with each other, and emotional, and incapable of effective leadership, and although those weren’t necessarily the reasons for the Conferencia walkout, men could assume easily that they were. Women have to spend so much time defending themselves against unfair assumptions about their gender that it becomes even harder to organize a proper platform for their rights. When Maylei Blackwell wrote, “…activists were so busy defending themselves against the charges that feminism was whitewashed or lesbian that they did not always disrupt the underlying heteropatriarchal assumptions of those charges”, it shed light on even more unfair assumptions and accusations that Chicana women in particular had to harbor. I realized for the first time how the best way to ruin someone’s offensive attack is to put them on the defensive.
Anna described the print communities best when she said, ” We exposed each other to new ideas, networked, and dialogued about refining ideology…”(137).The newspaper let the women express themselves without having to worry about alienating the men in public like Enriqueta Longeaux described, ” Chicana print showed different women problems”(141). It was important for the Chicano women to have their own identity, that is why it was huge for them to separate from the Chicano newspapers and have their own. The Chicana newspaper was huge in acting as the voice for so many Chicano women across regions and social movement sectors since all of them couldn’t get their opinions out. Chicana women could even voice political opinions in the paper, and other women like the Tejana activist would use it to represent their political stance(142). It was a tough voice for Chicanas to voice their opinions without a newsprint because if they just voiced their feminism opinion, then they were at risk of being accused of being lesbians or traitors by Chicano/a(143). Yet women were fighting for important rights like Escalante’s mom who she saw be a victim of prejudice from a white social worker when her mom need welfare. The only thing wrong with her mom was that the white woman saw her as a Chicano immigrant. People like Escalante wanted to use the Chicano movement to stop such ignorant prejudice against Chicanas(147). The first National conference couldn’t have happened without the great community support the women of Houston YWCA were able to put together. Yet the great divisions occurred because of the different agendas of the women(169).The Chicano men of UCLA and CSUN were probably the cause of the walkout since they took advantage of eager and nieve young Chicana activist. The girls were just starting off in the Chicano movement and they were led to believe the Chicana movement was against the Chicano movement. Without giving the Chicana women a chance to prove themselves legit they walked out. The more experience women understood it wasn’t about just protesting against anything, but most of the older activist goals was to build the community and provide opportunities for future Chicano/a. Other women wanted to just keep the Chicano movement alone, while other wanted equal rights, and others didn’t want anything to do with being white. The divisions of the first conference really stuck (176).