Feminism through Surrealism

This week, I went to the LA County Museum of Art to see In Wonderland, an exhibit featuring surrealist art by women.  The exhibit focused on the surrealist art of women from the United States and Mexico, and much of it came from the mid-20th century.  Great social movements often happen in art before they happen on the ground, and feminism was no different.  These women were posing questions about and exploring the complexities of their gender and its powers through art oftentimes before there were mass political and social feminist uprisings.  Even in these early days, the differences in the feminisms between usually white American female artists and their contemporaries in Mexico were apparent.

The Mexican female surrealist whose paintings were most widely shown in the exhibit were of course those of Frida Kahlo, a women who hardly needs an introduction.  She is revered and remembered for her art as well as her life (and for the recent biopic film about her starring the subject of my previous post, Salma Hayek).  Among many other things Frida Kahlo was a Mexican surrealist painter and a feminist, and three quarters of a century ago she was challenging many of the same notions that would be challenged by the contributors to This Bridge Called My Back and This Bridge We Call Home so many years later.

Unlike many of the white American female surrealists in the exhibit, Frida’s work nearly always involved some sort of visual dialogue between her womanhood and her ethnicity and culture.   In one famous painting, The Two Fridas, she creates a self-portrait by portraying two versions of herself.  As one Frida, she is in a wedding dress.  As they other Frida, she is in traditional clothing.  The two are connected by the heart and by the hand, though they do not look at each other and they do not express any happiness.  She seems to be acknowledging her role as wife and her role as Mexicana as important parts of herself, but also admitting that she is not entirely anything and that she is not entirely fulfilled in being these things.  

Much is known about her inability to conceive a child because of a destroyed reproductive system, and as a Mexican woman (and really all women of that time period), your femininity is often reliant on your ability to procreate.  This obviously jarred her definitions of traditional womanhood, as did her bisexuality.

In a lot of ways, she reminds me of Gloria Anzaldua and her ideas about los intersticios.  Frida was very much a woman and embraced her femininity, but one who could not conceive and who occasionally enjoyed sexual intimacy with other women, both of which otherize her from the hegemonic ideal of what it means to be a proper woman.  She loved her husband, but she did not occupy the ideal of a faithful wife.  She was loyal to her culture but could not accept its strict definitions of women and its celebration of the machisimo that made her husband a violent man.  Stuck between many worlds, she channelled her unique viewpoints into art to make personal statements that could be accessed by many.  Many of these statements are mirrored still today in Women of Color Feminism, and the women making these statements should call Frida Kahlo one of their foremothers.

Borderland / La Frontera (2)

Gloria Anzaldúa, Borderlands (1-91)

Reading assignment for Friday, March 9. Your reply (under Comments) is due before class. Remember, you don’t need to answer all or even any of the questions, but your response should demonstrate you’ve done and thought about the readings. Be sure to check and make sure your response posts.

Based on your reading of Borderlands and your study of Chicana feminism in this class, how would you define and construct a mestiza consciousness? What are the advantages of such a construction? What are the pitfalls?

How would you connect the theory in Borderlands to the presentation on Wednesday? How is Anzaldúa constructing the idea of the Chicana feminist self?

Anarchist Queer Person of Color

A few weeks ago, my girlfriend dragged me to downtown LA to attend the annual Zinefest.  On the second floor of a small used bookstore, zine makers from around the country cramped together to sell their art.  Everyone had something to say in their small paper booklets.  Some people used their zines as a vehicle for their comics, some for their drawings.  Some for their writing, some for their photography.  It seemed mostly to me like everyone was just trying to sell something, and the stale air was making me tired and nauseous and I didn’t feel like buying.  Just as I was about to subtly try and edge us towards the exit, I heard a girl at the table to my left say that she was giving away her zines for free.  Free seemed like a reasonable price to me, so I meandered over to peruse her work.
I picked up the first thing that caught my eye.  It was a thin pamphlet, in photocopied black and white, with an anarchy symbol and the title “Anarchist Queer Person of Color” handwritten across the front.  Cautiously I opened it.  I read its intoxicating eight pages three times in quick succession.  I closed it, and looked around, wondering how my mind could have expanded so vastly without anyone around me noticing.  I read it once again, slowly, letting each of the ideas it presented bounce around in my headspace and develop.  Truthfully, the zine presented me with more questions that answers.  In light of this Chicana Feminism class I find myself in, I was left with, and am still left with, one main question: Is anarchy the natural progression of feminism, especially for women of color?

Women of color, especially queer women of color, experience oppression in many layers.  The oppression of sexism, of racism, of homophobia.  These oppressions are of course not just person to person, but systematic and institutionalized.  Everyday, we find the government encroaching on us, further exacerbating and normalizing our oppression. From the immigration laws of Arizona, to the proposed forced sonograms that will have to precede abortions in Texas, to the lack of marriage equality in several states, we can see the government stripping women, people of color, and the LGBT of their rights and of their respect.  Laws like these assume that we are incapable of rationality.  In the eyes of the law, women are too unstable to own their bodies, people of color are not to be trusted, and homosexuals are too abnormal to deserve the sanctity of marriage.  And too often, the eyes of the law become the feelings of the citizens.  As long as we live in a world where groups of people can be legislated against based on gender, race, and sexuality, we cannot be free from oppression.  People begin to forget that these things are the results of arbitrary decisions, and start to believe that they are norms that should go undisputed.

History has shown us that it takes generations of non-dominant groups to create enough force behind their ideals to change laws and thus change social norms.  The suffragists, the civil rights movement, the Bolsheviks.  But what if, instead, we did away with government and its abilities to create laws and social norms that hinder our existence as minorities?  History has also shown us that whoever is in power, whether in democracy, socialism, monarchy, or fascism, does not like to give up that power.  Dominant groups loathe the thought of officially, and therefore socially, conceding any power to non-dominant groups.  Anarchy, ideally, does away with government and the societal stratifications it creates.  Oppressed groups, like homosexuals and women and people of color, would no longer have to worry about changing the government and its laws to change the ideas of people.  Instead, they could focus on changing the oppressive ideas that people have without needing to first dismantle the government induced institutions and systems that propagate these ideas.

Like many other forms of society, anarchy is probably far better in theory than in practice.  What about criminals?  Won’t we still need laws and government for them?  Well, maybe, or maybe we’ve just become so blinded by the way that things are that we can’t think of solutions that don’t fit into the little boxes we know so well.

Anarchist Queer Person of Color Zine.  Anonymous.  2012.

Chicana Feminism in an Unlikely Place

[youtube http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N3ilElOoQQM]

Painfully, I’ll admit that writing a blog about Alice Bag’s Violence Girl has taken longer than reading the memoir itself.  I was unsure how to approach it.  In both the beginning and the end of the book, the influence of Chicano culture is obvious.  Alice Bag, born Alicia Armendariz, grew up in an ethnic East Los Angeles neighborhood, the daughter of a Mexican father and a Mexican-American mother.  At the end of her memoir, she returns to East LA to teach kindergarten, realizing that no one can gear lesson plans to immigrants and children of immigrants like a person who has shared their experience.  But what about the bulk of the book?  The large middle section, during which Alice lived in Hollywood and was a major player in the emerging punk scene of the late 1970s?  Even after reading Violence Girl, my brain still conjured up the image of punk rock as predominantly white and male.  Even though Alice’s book is full to the brim with strong, empowered women of the punk movement, to me they embodied a feminism that was distinctly Anglo and middle class.  I finally realized, however, that it was Alice’s poor, Chicano background that made her such a powerful force in the rebellious uprising of punk.

Alice grew up in a fairly typical Chicano household.  Her father did freelance construction work and her mother’s main responsibilities were to cook and clean.  Her mother, she remembers, never ate with her and her father at the table.  She stayed in the kitchen, eating only when the food was done and everyone else was served.  Her father was domineering, and ultimately quite violent.  Over any small signs of disrespect from her mother, he would beat her within an inch of her life.  From quite early on, growing up in this environment of extreme gender inequality, Alice decided that she would never grow up to live the kind of life her mother did.  Her father was the embodiment of exaggerated machismo and her mother fits perfectly in line with the Chicano Nationalist image of a woman who endures hardships for the sake of her domestic life.  Alice, in unknowing agreement with so many Chicana feminists, saw the problems inherent in this rigid definition of family life.

While beginning to formulate thoughts about Chicana oppression as a child in her own home, Alice was also beginning to understand Chicano oppression on a larger scale outside her home.  The only language spoken in her house was Spanish.  When Alice started going to school, though she was definitely not stupid, she was treated as such by unsympathetic teachers who were too lazy to help her overcome her language barrier.  If teachers are unwilling to help their students at such a young age, then students are left developmentally behind.  This handicap follows them throughout their school career, making college or white collar jobs a nearly impossible dream.  This is one of the many ways that Chicanos in America are kept down, and Alice’s realization of this lead to her later decision to be a teacher herself.  While still fairly young, Alice recalls seeing the young men and women of the Brown Berets protesting the Vietnam War.  She also recalls how quickly the peaceful protest turned into a horrifying scene of racially charged police brutality.

Like many art forms when they first emerge, punk was a challenge to the status quo.  It was youths that had always been outcasts, coming together to create a culture in which they no longer felt like outcasts.  There is, and always has been, and undercurrent of anger in punk.  Looking back on it, how can one not see that Alice Bag was the perfect punk candidate?  As she learned at the war protest, to be Chicano is to inherently challenge the status quo.  She would see that kind of police brutality mirrored at what were supposed to be peaceful (albeit chaotic) punk shows.  In these instances, Alice could understand better than most that to be outside of the dominant group is to be a target that society wants to subdue.  As one who, so young, learned the price women can pay for their subordination, her anger and her need for catharsis and her to establish a presence of strength made her a dynamic and forceful punk lead singer.

As a teenager, living in Hollywood to be close to the music scene she was entrenched in, she began to see her friends lives wrecked because of drugs.  Between heroin and loneliness, she saw people that loved take their lives and have their lives taken.  Without a doubt, I think it was her culture that spared her.  Among so many things that can be viewed in the Chicano family structure as negative, the overriding positive is the notion that family is important.  In one way or another, everyone in the family has a responsibility to each other.  Her father provided for her, her mother fed her, and she loathed the idea of ever letting them down.  They wanted her to have a better life, to rise above generations before her.  She could see that a lot of the paths her friends were winding up on were not paths that her parents would want her on, and ultimately were not paths that she herself would want to be on.  So she went back home.  She went back to school, and she reflected on all the things that pushed her to be successful, and all the things that held her back from success.  Having parents who loved her and supported her and told her she could be whatever she wanted to be pushed her; having teachers who wouldn’t spend an extra moment helping a English language learner held her back.  She saw the value in reading and writing, and this was her impetus in getting her teaching degree.  From teaching Kindergartners in East Los Angeles to teaching Nicaraguans of all ages in war torn villages, it was her Chicana culture that transformed her attitude of punk rebellion to positive revolutionary.

 

Works Cited:

Bag, Alice.  Violence Girl.  Port Townsend, WA: Feral House, 2011.  Print.

Reading Aida Hurtado and Marcela Christine Lucero-Trujillo

credit: www.nataliedee.com

Aida Hurtado, “An Invitation to Power: The Restructuring of Gender in the Political Movements of the 1960s” (From The Color of Privilege: Three Blasphemies on Race and Feminism 91-122)

Marcela Christine Lucero-Trujillo, “Machismo Is Part of Our Culture,” “No More Cookies, Please”

What was your reaction to the poems?  Did you like them?  How do they connect to the reading we’re doing in Blackwell?  Can you relate “Machismo Is Part of Our Culture” to the reading by Hurtado as well?

What are the Chicano masculinities described by Hurtado? Do you see Chicanas in the 1960s and 1970s defining their feminism against the masculinities of Chicano Movement? How do you see this working and what evidence for and against it have you seen in the readings?

 

Reading Maylei Blackwell, ¡Chicana Power! (3)

Reading Assignment: Your reply (under Comments) is due before class on Monday, January 30. Remember, you don’t need to answer all or even any of the questions, but your response should demonstrate you’ve done and thought about the readings. Be sure to check and make sure your response posts.

Maylei Blackwell, ¡Chicana Power! (43-90)

How would you describe the women who made up the Chicana activists in Las Hijas de Cuauhtémoc?  What were their backgrounds and experiences prior to come to Cal State Long Beach?  What sense do you have of them as people?

What were the problems Chicanas going to college in the late 1960s and early 1970s experienced? Which were the same and which were different from those experienced by Chicanos? How did Chicanas cope with these problems?

How did involvement with the Chicano Movement influence the Chicana students?  How did they change it and how were they changed by it?

What were the issues surrounding Anna NietoGomez’s election to the leadership in her campus MEChA? How was her leadership opposed?

What was/is “political familialism”? Relate Blackwell’s description of it to our earlier readings.

From where does Blackwell trace the origins of Chicana feminism? Who were these early role models?

What were some of the issues involving sex and sexuality revealed in the oral histories? What details were the most striking? How does it related to “chingón politics”?

 

#CHST404 Chicana/o Tweets 2/23/12

Today we’re starting our discussion of Maylei Blackwell’s book, ¡Chicana Power!: Contested Histories of Feminism in the Chicano Movement.  Here are some class tweets based on readings of the introduction:

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Reading Alma Garcia’s Chicana Feminist Thought (3)

Reading Assignment: Your reply (under Comments) is due before class on Friday, January 20.  Remember, you don’t need to answer all or even any of the questions, but your response should demonstrate you’ve done and thought about the readings.

    • Estelle B. Freedman, “Race and the Politics of Identity in U.S. Feminism” (from Unequal Sisters 1-14),

Readings from Alma García’s Chicana Feminist Thought

  • Elena Hernández, ”La Chicana y ‘El Movimiento,’” (83-86)
  • Anna NietoGomez, “La Femenista” (86-92)
  • Enriqueta Vasquez, “¡Soy Chicana Primero!” (197-199)

Optional: Here Comes Everybody – Chapter Two

If you were writing a message to Chicanas and Latinas now, what would you say? What do you feel the most significant issues are? (Note: this could be the basis of a blog post.)  Where do you see Chicanas as fitting in to the larger U.S. women’s movement, as discussed by Freeman?

Is there still any taboo against divorce? If so, do you think divorce effects women and men equally? If not, what do you think has changed?

Based on your readings so far, where was the resistance to feminism coming from for both Chicanas and Chicanos in the Movement? Do you agree with Hernández that Chicanas couldn’t afford to fight against their men? What about NietoGomez’s writing that Chicanas have specific issues that the Movement must address? Do these attitudes contradict or complement? From what you’ve read so far, do you agree with NietoGomez that the split between Chicanas was one between Loyalists and Feministas? What does she see as the differences between Anglo feminism and Chicana feminism? What stereotypes about Chicanas and Latinas do the writings address?

 

 

Reading: Alma Garcia’s Chicana Feminist Thought (2)

Reading Assignment: Your reply (under Comments) due before class on Wednesday, January 18.  Remember, you don’t need to answer all or even any of the questions, but your response should demonstrate you’ve done and thought about the readings.

o0o

Tessie Liu “Teaching the Differences Among Women from a Historical Perspective: Rethinking Race and Gender as Social Categories” (from Unequal Sisters 29-40),

Readings for Alma Garcia, Chicana Feminist Thought

  •  ”A Chicana Message” (35)
  • “Empieza La Revolution Verdadera” (73)
  • “Para Un Revolucionario” (74-75)
  • “Viva La Chicana and All Brave Women of La Causa” (80-81)
  • “El Movimiento and the Chicana” (81-82)

Are the “Anonymous” articles different from the signed ones?  What power does it invest or take away from someone to sign an article “A Chicana” or “Anonymous” rather than with their name?  Why do you think these articles were unsigned? Do you agree with the authors ideas about gender, sex and competition?

In reading Tessie Liu’s section of Unequal Sisters, “Teaching the Differences Among Women from a Historical Perspective,” she opens by stating “we must recognize that race is a gendered category.”  Are you convinced? Do you see race gendered as gendered, and if so, how? In what ways do you think the term “Latina/o” or “Chicana/o” are racial? In what ways are they not?  How does race complicate ethnicity?

Using all the readings, what do you see as problems circa 1960s and 1970s (and now too) with the idea of universal sisterhood between all women?  In what ways is it similar (and / or in conflict) with ideas of nationalism?  Especially for those of you that see yourselves as teachers (or future teachers at least), do you think Liu is right in saying that white is the universal normal, is the default?  How do Latinas fit into that paradigm?  When do you feel like an insider in terms of race and / or gender? When like an outsider?

Reading the poems by Lorna Dee Cervantes and Anne NietoGomez, how and why do the authors deploy English and Spanish? Is the discussion of union between men and women in NietoGomez sexualized? If so, how?  How about in Cervantes?

Which of readings seems most relevant to you now and why?  Which seem dated or outside your experience?

—–

The video I mentioned in class Black & Latino.  Please watch it when you get a chance. It’s about 10 minutes long.

Reading: Alma Garcia’s Chicana Feminist Thought (1)

Please address the discussion questions for the following readings by replying to this post.  You do not have to answer all the questions, but be sure to demonstrate your familiarity with the reading.

El Plan de Aztlán

Alma GarciaChicana Feminist Thought (see Readings Page)

  • ”Introduction” (1-16)
  • ”The Woman of La Raza” by Enriqueta Longeaux Vasquez (29-31)
  • “Our Feminist Heritage” by Marta Cortera (41-44)

What do you think of when you think of the 1960s and 1970s? How do these readings fit in with or change your impressions?

Enriqueta Vasquez’s “The Woman of La Raza” was written in response to the same conference, the First National Chicano Liberation Youth Conference in March of 1969, where “El Plan de Aztlán” was written and adopted.  What connections can you see between the two documents?  What sort of conflict, if any, do you read into them? How did women of color respond to the civil rights movement (both Black Nationalism and the Chicano Movement)?  Why was it important that Marta Cortera “found” feminism with Mexican roots?

Alma Garcia discusses a series of Chicano movements in New Mexico (for land rights), California (for farmworkers, education and against the war in Vietnam) and Texas (political rights), among others.  How do you think the differences between these movements and their participants impacted each region’s Chicano movement?

Garcia also writes about Chicano Nationalism (Chicanismo) and the depiction of the “Ideal Chicana.”  What are the problems associated with such an idealized image?  Does it relate to the notion of a feminism based on “multiple oppressions”?

How did Chicanas organize themselves? What were the mechanisms and how was writing important to their organizations?